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Whistleblower on Trump EPA Chief Scott Pruitt Now Drives Uber

When Kevin Chmielewski emerged from the FBI’s fortress of a headquarters in downtown Washington, D.C., his head was spinning. It was the autumn of 2017. He’d simply left a labeled briefing a few matter of nationwide safety. As he walked again to his workplace on the Environmental Safety Company, Chmielewski knew what he needed to do subsequent: He needed to inform his boss, EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt, to recover from to the bureau and obtain his personal briefing as quickly as doable. In any case, it was Pruitt the FBI wanted to talk with a few matter so pressing.

Chmielewski (pronounced shim-uh-LESS-ski) had gone to work on the EPA on the urging of his buddies within the Trump White Home, who needed somebody they trusted to keep watch over Pruitt. Chmielewski had labored the 2016 marketing campaign as an advance man for Donald Trump, one of many women and men in fits and earpieces who map out each journey, drive the candidate from occasion to occasion, and shield him as he walks by means of a crowd. Chmielewski preferred to explain advance staffers because the Navy SEALs of politics: In the event that they did their jobs nicely, nobody would discover their presence or keep in mind their title. “My complete profession has been nobody is aware of and nobody cares who Kevin Chmielewski is,” he says.

Chmielewski regarded the a part of a SEAL — square-jawed, crew minimize, with a surfer’s construct, and tattoos sleeving his arms — however as an advance man he had not one of the stability of a navy job. He bounced from one marketing campaign to the subsequent each cycle, working largely for outstanding Republican candidates. Every time, he hoped that his boss’s victory would result in a authorities job and a gradual paycheck. As a substitute, he awoke out of labor the day after the election — McCain in 2008, Romney in 2012. He packed up his automotive and headed again residence to Maryland’s Jap Shore, working odd jobs till the subsequent candidate got here calling.

Within the time he labored for the Trump marketing campaign, he fended off a protester who had rushed the stage in Dayton, Ohio, and guided Trump’s motorcade by means of a violent crowd in Fresno, California. He’d grown shut with Trump’s youngsters. “I don’t stick up for Trump or the Trumps that a lot,” he says. “However Ivanka, to the workers, was unimaginable. Jared was useful and nice, would by no means ask for something. They have been very simple to work for.”

With Trump, Chmielewski was lastly on a profitable crew. He says he had his decide of jobs within the administration and, coming from a law-enforcement household, selected the Division of Homeland Safety. However inside months, Chmielewski says, the White Home requested him to contemplate shifting to the EPA. Formally, he could be the director of scheduling and advance. Unofficially, he would keep watch over the brand new administrator, Scott Pruitt, the previous Oklahoma legal professional basic whose questionable conduct was elevating alarms. Pruitt was “a knucklehead,” Chmielewski remembers Trump telling him. “He’s doing plenty of stuff we don’t agree with,” a White Home official advised him. “We’d like one in every of our guys” to rein him in.

Chmielewski by no means forgot what Pruitt’s chief of workers, Ryan Jackson, told him when he arrived on the EPA: “The nightmare is now yours.” Although he’d been in workplace for just a few months, Pruitt had infuriated environmentalists and Democrats together with his anti-science, industry-friendly stance, stripping any mention of local weather change from EPA web sites, rolling back laws, and cozying up to the leaders of main fossil-fuel firms. Internally, although, Pruitt’s private conduct was the issue Jackson spoke of. Excessive travel, first-class flights, adorning his workplace with paintings from the Smithsonian, an around-the-clock security detail, and requests for an armored car: Pruitt was one leak away from embarrassing the administration with any one in every of his indiscretions.

However after his labeled FBI briefing, Chmielewski’s major concern was getting Pruitt’s consideration. What he’d realized from the bureau was the type of data that stored you up at evening, one thing Chmielewski believed a Cupboard secretary ought to know and act on instantly. “It was an enormous deal,” he says. “Fairly frankly I don’t sleep nicely.”

Jackson, Pruitt’s chief of workers, didn’t have a safety clearance, so Chmielewski tried to convey the urgency of the scenario with out spilling any labeled particulars, telling Jackson the FBI wanted to talk with Pruitt.

“Kevin, cease,” Jackson stated, in keeping with Chmielewski’s recollection of occasions. “Don’t say one other phrase to Scott Pruitt about this.” Why? Chmielewski requested. “Believable deniability,” Jackson replied.

Believable deniability? Chmielewski was shocked. Was he attempting to defend Pruitt from a matter of nationwide safety with out even understanding what it was? (Jackson didn’t reply to requests for remark.) Undeterred, Chmielewski sought out Pruitt himself and located the administrator surrounded by a gaggle of aides. “Sir, I simply met with the FBI,” he stated. “They actually didn’t wish to meet with me. They needed to fulfill with you.”

When Pruitt brushed him off, Chmielewski pressed more durable. “Sir, I don’t assume you perceive,” he stated. “Kevin,” Pruitt shot again, “I don’t assume you perceive.” No matter it was, Pruitt didn’t wish to find out about it. Finish of story. (Pruitt didn’t reply to requests for remark by electronic mail and telephone.)

Chmielewski — who advised this story for the primary time in interviews with Rolling Stone — says he realized then that Pruitt was extra than simply self-absorbed or brazen: By refusing to be briefed on a matter of nationwide safety, he was harmful. Chmielewski had already advised others within the administration about a few of Pruitt’s conduct, and his resolve now hardened. Over a span of months, he made dozens of disclosures to officers within the EPA, the White Home, and different elements of the administration about Pruitt’s secrecy, spending habits, and abuses of energy. Chmielewski didn’t notice it on the time, however he had change into a whistleblower. “I had no thought actually what a whistleblower was, what their rights have been, when all these things was occurring,” he says now. “It’s nonetheless bizarre to say I’m a whistleblower. It feels prefer it’s a grimy phrase.”

What occurred subsequent nonetheless looks like a blur to him. After sounding the alarm internally, Chmielewski’s title leaked to Congress and the media. He bought inundated with a whole lot of requests for interviews in addition to an invitation to testify on Capitol Hill. Chmielewski’s whistleblowing performed a key function in exposing Pruitt’s wrongdoing and pressuring the administration to pressure Pruitt out.

“Whether or not [Chmielewski’s] insurance policies have been aligned with ours or not, clearly he had that ethical compass to acknowledge what was happening was deeply unethical and deeply problematic,” says Adam Beitman of the Sierra Membership. “We wanted that on the time, and it’s a disgrace that there have been so few individuals who did what he did.”

However whereas Pruitt stays a lawyer in good standing, and, for a time, a registered lobbyist within the state of Indiana, Chmielewski has watched his life collapse. He was removed from the EPA constructing by an armed safety guard. His buddies from the Trump White Home gained’t return his calls and texts. No Republican marketing campaign will rent him, he says. When he sought safety below a federal whistleblower statute, he realized that as a political appointee he fell right into a authorized loophole. He then sued the EPA, saying the company had violated his First Modification free-speech rights as a citizen whistleblower. The legal professionals for the Trump administration fought his case, just for the Biden administration to select up the place the Trump-era legal professionals left off.

“I dwell paycheck to paycheck,” he says. “I’ve bought the whole lot and am simply making ends meet. These are the repercussions of doing the fitting factor.”

The drive from Washington, D.C., to Chmielewski’s residence on Maryland’s Jap Shore takes three hours, however the distance feels that a lot farther if you perceive the place Chmielewski is now in contrast together with his years on the marketing campaign path or serving within the Trump administration. He works as a supervisor at a small golf-course restaurant known as the Hideaway, just a few miles inland from the boardwalk-lined seashores of Ocean Metropolis. He says he earns about $40,000 a 12 months, lower than a 3rd of what he made on the EPA, and drives Uber and Lyft to make additional money throughout the tourism offseason. His spouse, Brianne, who had labored full-time elevating their two kids, drives the beer cart on the golf course. Since shedding his EPA job, he’s drained his financial institution accounts and retirement funds to pay the payments and assist his household. “I’m on the verge of chapter,” he tells me, seated at a nook desk within the restaurant someday this summer time.

Unfold out on the desk is a group of pictures, letters, and different memorabilia from Chmielewski’s profession as an advance man. Hand-signed thank-you letters from George W. Bush and Dick Cheney. A personalised plaque from the 2016 Trump marketing campaign. He exhibits them to me nearly as proof of the life he’d as soon as had.

Seated alongside his authorized crew, Chmielewski talks like a person who nonetheless hasn’t fairly fathomed how he ended up the place he’s as we speak. The phrases tumble out of him in a breathless rush, one story dissolving into the subsequent, and when he looks like he’s not doing the story justice, he reaches for his cellphone, which doubles as an audiovisual archive of his life in politics. He searches for a clip from a Trump marketing campaign rally and performs it for me.

A deafening roar fills a packed gymnasium. It’s April twentieth, 2016. The venue is Chmielewski’s previous highschool, just a few miles from the place we’re sitting, within the city of Berlin, Maryland. Halfway by means of the rally, Trump asks, “The place the hell is Kevin? He’s a star. The place is Kevin? Get Kevin up right here.” Chants of “Kevin! Kevin! Kevin!” ring out as Chmielewski reluctantly seems onstage. “I haven’t paid for a drink on the town since,” he says.

It was quite the homecoming for a man who had barely graduated and had so little cash rising up that he couldn’t afford his personal high-school yearbook. His mother and father have been divorced; his mom raised him whereas working as a bartender, and his father was an electrician. He dreamed of working within the Secret Service, and spent two years within the Coast Guard to get the navy service that may assist him meet that dream, however he was honorably discharged to assist look after his disabled brother. He met Rick Ahern, one of the well-known advance staffers in historical past. Ahern had staffed President Reagan when Reagan was shot outdoors the Washington Hilton. Ahern gave Chmielewski his first break, working advance on a visit for then-Vice President Dick Cheney. Grunt-level jobs for George W. Bush and different GOP bigwigs followed; one 12 months, he says he donned a bunny go well with for the annual White Home Easter-egg-roll celebration. With every gig, Chmielewski discovered his place within the small fraternity {of professional} advance staffers.

Chmielewski spent a lot time in shut quarters with the individuals he labored for, carrying their confidences and making certain their security, that it was arduous to not really feel a familial kinship. When Mitt and Ann Romney, whom Chmielewski staffed throughout the 2012 presidential race, realized that he and his girlfriend had been collectively for greater than a decade however hadn’t married, he says the Romneys insisted he suggest earlier than the marketing campaign was over. As he tells this story to me, he pulls out his telephone once more and exhibits me a photograph of him down on one knee, proposing to Brianne, the Romneys standing within the background, wanting on like proud mother and father. On election evening, Chmielewski remembers, Romney, who’d simply delivered his concession speech, stated to the group: “Guys, we didn’t lose. We’re getting Kevin married.”

It was whereas working for Romney that Chmielewski met Trump. Based on Chmielewski, Trump turned to Corey Lewandowski just a few months earlier than launching his personal presidential bid in 2015 and requested, “Who was that Polack that used to work for Romney? He was a superb man.” Trump known as Chmielewski, provided him a job, and Chmielewski spent the subsequent 18 months at Trump’s aspect. He says he deliberate Trump’s journeys, safeguarded his cellphone, fetched his McDonald’s (two Huge Macs and two Fish Filets with fries), and delivered the voice-of-God announcement that signaled Trump’s entrance at marketing campaign rallies: “Please welcome the subsequent president of the US, Donald J. Trump!”

Chmielewski didn’t agree with the whole lot Trump campaigned on, however he preferred Trump’s vow to empty the swamp and finish the nation’s endlessly wars. Principally, as he regarded out on the large crowds flocking to Trump’s rallies, he felt like he’d boarded a rocket ship simply earlier than liftoff, and supposed to experience all of it the best way to the tip. After Trump gained, Chmielewski was advised he would have his decide of jobs. He would lastly get to make some actual cash working within the federal authorities as an alternative of slinking again residence to Maryland once more.

When the White Home requested him to go away his first alternative at DHS after just a few months and transfer to the EPA, the choice was a “no-brainer,” he tells me. The EPA job paid greater than DHS. He had grown up on the water and considered himself as a conservationist, a surfer, and a waterman (“wutterman,” in his Jap Shore accent), somebody who cared about defending the pure panorama. The EPA additionally had a decrease profile than DHS, and, as greatest he may inform, nobody knew who Scott Pruitt, the brand new administrator, was. “I work much less and make more cash,” he says. “I simply discovered the proper boring job.”

Chmielewski felt past exhausted when his flight landed at Reagan Nationwide airport in early February 2018. He’d spent the previous 16 hours on planes returning residence from an project on the opposite aspect of the world. Wearing sweatpants and flip-flops, so drained he may hardly see straight, he known as a cab to take him to EPA headquarters, and from there, he’d head residence to the Jap Shore to be together with his spouse and youngsters, whom he hadn’t seen in weeks.

He flashed his badge on the safety guard posted on the EPA’s most important entrance and walked to his automotive. When he bought there, two brokers were waiting for him, in keeping with a whistleblower complaint he later filed. They stated they’d been despatched by Nino Perrotta, the top of Pruitt’s safety element, to retrieve Chmielewski’s EPA badge, work telephone, and parking move. Chmielewski knew one thing was unsuitable. However he wasn’t about handy over his work credentials. He says he politely declined, and the 2 brokers went on their method.

WASHINGTON, DC - FEBRUARY 26: Environmental Protection Agency Administrator Scott Pruitt listens as President Donald Trump speaks during a meeting with the members of the National Governors Association in the State Dining Room of the White House in Washington, DC on Monday, Feb. 26, 2018. (Photo by Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post via Getty Images)

FORCED OUT: Pruitt’s corruption turned the stuff of lore, together with spending $43,000 on an unlawful telephone sales space and adorning his workplace with priceless work from the Smithsonian.

Jabin Botsford/The Washington Submit/Getty Pictures

Quickly afterward, Chmielewski bought a name from Perrotta’s deputy. Flip round proper now and are available again to the workplace, he was advised. “I’m going residence,” Chmielewski stated, and stored driving. A couple of minutes after that, he bought one other name, this time from Perrotta himself. “Get the fuck again right here proper now,” Chmielewski remembers Perrotta telling him.

“Excuse me?” Chmielewski responded. “Nino, have you ever misplaced your thoughts?”

“Get the fuck again right here proper now or I’m coming to your home.” (Perrotta says he known as Chmielewski and requested for his credentials at this behest of his superiors, however says he by no means swore and that Chmielewski’s account of the dialog is “utterly inaccurate.”)

Chmielewski was two months shy of his one-year anniversary on the EPA. It had been something however a boring expertise from the day he had arrived. Chmielewski was a key liaison between the EPA and the White Home, and likewise between Pruitt’s workplace and the law-enforcement group, from the native cops who helped shield Pruitt on area visits, to the FBI and the EPA’s in-house intelligence bureau. He was additionally accountable for virtually all logistics not just for Pruitt, he says, but in addition for Pruitt’s household.

As Chmielewski would later tell congressional investigators, he sensed hassle with Pruitt instantly. Underneath the pretext of needing further safety measures to make sure Pruitt’s security, the EPA acquired hulking, blacked-out SUVs. Habitually late, Pruitt had his safety element use lights and sirens to clear visitors as he tore by means of Washington, D.C., en path to dinner or a gathering. Pruitt insisted on flying first-class and when doable on Delta, as a result of he was a frequent Delta buyer, regardless that Delta was not often the most cost effective choice and authorities laws mandated that public servants spend as little as doable on journey. When the profession staff on the EPA alerted Chmielewski to those points, he dismissed them as Democrats bitter a few new Republican administrator. However the extra he realized, the extra he realized they have been proper. “It took me a really brief time to comprehend they’re telling the reality.”

There have been so many moral issues created by Pruitt that it was arduous to maintain monitor of all of them. Pruitt had one in every of his assistants look into potential real estate and a subscription to the private-plane service NetJets. He requested to lease and hold priceless work from the Smithsonian for his workplace. He sought to expand his safety element from a half-dozen brokers to twenty, and acquired round the clock safety, costing $3.5 million in his first 12 months, nearly double what Pruitt’s predecessors paid. He positioned good buddies from Oklahoma in EPA advisory jobs whereas forcing out profession scientists. A few of Pruitt’s abuses have been so cartoonishly corrupt that they might later change into the stuff of lore: asking aides to procure a mattress from the Trump lodge in Washington; making his element drive him to a number of Ritz-Carlton motels to discover a hand lotion he preferred; spending $43,000 on a secure phone booth in his workplace suite.

Pruitt had put in Perrotta as the top of his safety element after forcing out an official who had pushed again on Pruitt’s requests. Out of the blue, the safety presence round Pruitt grew dramatically, and profession staff noticed their entry to Pruitt scaled again. Pruitt pushed to put in a bulletproof desk within the administrator’s workplace. Paranoid about leaks and potential spying by his enemies, Pruitt requested for a safety agency to comb his workplace, and Perrotta recommended a contractor who additionally occurred to work at the private-security firm Perrotta ran on the aspect. “Nino made it sound like this man was going to be assassinated each 30 seconds,” Chmielewski remembers. (“Utterly false,” Perrotta says.)

For a time, Chmielewski did as he was advised, together with taking part within the firing of a junior employee who had allegedly refused to delete delicate entries from Pruitt’s calendar. However he says he grew appalled by what he noticed. He additionally acknowledged that, by advantage of his proximity to Pruitt, he was one of many few individuals aware about all of Pruitt’s wrongdoing. He started telling people he knew within the White Home and in Trump’s orbit — the identical individuals he’d grown shut with whereas engaged on the presidential marketing campaign — about what Pruitt was as much as. He says he advised trusted Trump advisers Lewandowski and David Bossie, the top of the White Home personnel workplace, and two senior aides to Vice President Pence; senior EPA officers; and the EPA’s inspector basic. He didn’t notice that by making these disclosures he’d made himself a whistleblower. All he knew was that Pruitt was uncontrolled and he didn’t need something to do with what Pruitt was doing. He’d been despatched to the EPA to maintain watch on Pruitt, however now it felt like his White Home contacts and different Trump buddies weren’t all that within the points he was elevating. Perhaps his disclosures bought misplaced within the day-to-day chaos of the Trump administration; perhaps the White Home actually didn’t wish to find out about Pruitt’s wrongdoing. Believable deniability.

Supplied to work advance on a handful of overseas trips for the White Home in late 2017 and early 2018, Chmielewski leapt on the likelihood to take a break from Pruitt and the mess on the EPA. Nonetheless, he continued to warn the White Home about what he’d seen, even when it was simply telling Pence’s chief of workers, Nick Ayers, over beers and pizza throughout an official journey to Israel. It was throughout these journeys, Chmielewski says, that Pruitt realized about his whistleblowing and launched into a marketing campaign to discredit him and pressure him out of the EPA. An nameless criticism was filed — Chmielewski believes Pruitt was behind it — with the EPA’s inspector basic, saying Chmielewski didn’t have a safety clearance however did have a prison report; the IG investigated the criticism and located it to be baseless.

Chmielewski had simply returned from one in every of his journeys helping the vp’s workplace when the 2 brokers confronted him within the EPA car parking zone. When Chmielewski returned to the workplace the next Monday, February twelfth, 2018, his key not labored and his nameplate was gone. Charles Munoz, the official White Home liaison on the EPA, called Chmielewski into his workplace and handed him a resignation letter to signal. When he refused, he was escorted out of the constructing.

He discovered himself in a authorized limbo. He hadn’t been fired, but hadn’t resigned, both. For weeks he continued to collect a paycheck regardless that he wasn’t working. Officers within the White Home pleaded with him to only resign. “We’re in a pinch right here,” he remembers being advised. “Do us a favor and we’ll attempt to get you to a different company. You might want to resign.” Once more, he refused. He’d executed nothing unsuitable, he argued. He additionally considered his younger youngsters. “Proper is true and unsuitable is unsuitable,” he says. “Particularly at the moment, being a brand new father and realizing 20 years down the highway, when my youngsters requested me about it, I needed to be on the fitting aspect of this.”

He refused to resign and accepted an invite to seem in non-public earlier than the Home oversight committee. The committee’s Democratic workers members couldn’t have been extra well mannered, he says, even placing him in contact with legal professionals who may symbolize him as a whistleblower if he wanted authorized assist. The tenor on the Republican aspect was totally different. “Your complete dialog was, ‘You certain you wish to do that?’ ” Chmielewski remembers. “Not ‘Hey, what occurred?’ however ‘Why don’t you simply go away this alone?’ ”

As soon as the media caught wind of his whistleblowing and testimony, Chmielewski was flooded with interview requests. He agreed to a couple of them, with TV producers he knew and trusted from the marketing campaign path, then laid low at residence, primarily unemployed and unsure of his employment standing on the EPA, till the furor subsided. The Government Accountability Project, a nonpartisan legal-defense group, agreed to symbolize him, and his lawyer there, Samantha Feinstein, peppered the EPA with inquiries about Chmielewski’s employment standing. Based on one in every of Chmielewski’s whistleblower complaints, his legal professionals ultimately obtained resignation paperwork by which Munoz had signed “Charles Munoz for Kevin Chmielewski” within the place the place Chmielewski’s signature ought to have been. Munoz would later admit to the EPA’s inspector basic that Chmielewski had by no means resigned.

Chmielewski and his daughter had gone to see the film Incredibles 2 when Pruitt’s resignation was announced. With Pruitt out of the image, he hoped he may discover a method into the administration once more. In early 2020, in keeping with one in every of Chmielewski’s whistleblower complaints, Johnny McEntee, an previous pal from the marketing campaign who had taken cost of the White Home’s personnel workplace, vowed to assist him. McEntee found a position for him on the Division of Vitality, which stated it deliberate to rent him. However when McEntee tried to finalize Chmielewski’s paperwork, somebody blocked it. Chmielewski suspects advisers near Trump had blacklisted him. “There’s nothing I can do,” Chmielewski says McEntee advised him. “My arms are tied as a result of the job has been rescinded.”

Chmielewski now spends his days in a authorized no man’s land. With the assistance of his legal professionals, he challenged his termination with the Workplace of Particular Counsel, which offers with whistleblower points, and one other administration workplace, known as the Benefit Programs Safety Board. Each places of work stated Chmielewski had no standing to attraction his firing, as a result of as a senior political appointee, he had no statutory protections as a whistleblower. The legislation that protected profession civil servants didn’t apply to him, regardless that he was one of many solely individuals on the EPA who had the firsthand information to show Pruitt’s abuses.

Liz Hempowicz, the director of public coverage on the Project on Government Oversight, says so-called senior-executive service positions — political appointees who serve on the pleasure of the president — include extra flexibility to pay increased salaries, but in addition with extra leeway for an administration to take away appointees. However Hempowicz says instances like Chmielewski’s illustrate the necessity for even fundamental whistleblower protections for these appointees, in order that they’re not frolicked to dry in the event that they converse up about potential wrongdoing. “It leaves an accountability hole that ought to be very regarding,” she says, “particularly if you discuss individuals like Scott Pruitt, who’re distrustful of civil servants and gained’t allow them to within the room.”

Chmielewski’s authorized crew is pushing Congress to shut the loophole for political appointees with a bit of laws known as the Whistleblower Protection Improvement Act. On the similar time, Chmielewski is waging several authorized battles, alleging that the EPA and Vitality Division illegally retaliated in opposition to him. He desires to be reinstated in his EPA job or given the place that had been rescinded at Vitality.

He additionally filed a lawsuit in D.C. federal court docket, saying his First Modification rights had been infringed upon. In each instances, the change of administration from Trump to Biden has made little distinction within the place taken by the federal government. The Biden Justice Division has refused to contemplate a settlement in Chmielewski’s case, and as an alternative argued that he has no whistleblower protections as a political appointee. “Many taxpayer {dollars} are being spent by the Biden administration preventing Kevin Chmielewski’s case,” says Feinstein, his lawyer on the Authorities Accountability Mission. “That is somebody who did the fitting factor and has suffered for it. The federal government benefited from his data and the general public benefited from his data.” However the Biden Justice Division, she provides, has “actually zero to supply.”

Chmielewski has been solid out of the small, close-knit group {of professional} advance staffers. “If I used to be of their footwear, which I was, I wouldn’t rent me both,” he says. He’s tried to search out work at a protection contractor or different government-related job, however he fears one Google search renders him unemployable. Over lunch someday on the restaurant, I ask him if he would do all of it once more understanding what he is aware of now. He tells me he doesn’t remorse blowing the whistle. He’s lengthy since grown disillusioned with Trump and his cronies: “We made the swamp greater and put greater creatures in there. I wasn’t going to be a kind of creatures.”

The query that retains him up at evening, he says, is that this one: “The place does this story finish? 5 years from now, 10 years, 20, 50?” He appears to be like pained as he asks these questions. “Is that Kevin homeless? Or is that Kevin thriving and doing nicely?”

https://www.rollingstone.com/politics/politics-features/trump-whistleblower-scott-pruitt-epa-justice-1239197/ | Whistleblower on Trump EPA Chief Scott Pruitt Now Drives Uber

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